John Vann, Trader Among the Cherokee – Section Two Part 2/3

Section Two Part 2/3: John Vann, Indian Trader at Ninety Six

Fig. 13 - Ninety Six as shown on George Hunter’s map in 1730.

by Jim Farmer
Jims-email@hotmail.com
February 15^th, 2016 – June 4^th, 2019

[I and my] head Men and Warriours has not forgot all the good Talks that they have heard from Time to Time, nor never shall be forgot, as long as Grass grows and Water runs, and we will hand it down  to our young people comeing up, and graft it in their Hearts – Raven of Hiwassee

For my Mom, Mazell Childress Farmer.

After the smallpox epidemic, the deerskin trade in the Cherokee Nation dwindled. The survivors among the Cherokee hunters could no longer provide the volume in skins necessary for bartering with the traders. For John Vann and other traders, at this time, it was critical for them to re-group and look for alternatives. Many traders removed from the Nation to a location below the Lower Towns called “Ninety Six.” The location, marked as “96,” appears on Hunter’s map of 1730.

Often thought to be ninety-six miles from Keowee and the Lower Towns, the “96” actually marked the unusual land formation in the area. Stretching from Buffalo Swamp (now called Halfway Swamp) the Cherokee Path followed an unbroken ridgeline between two watersheds, one flowing east and the other west. (Today, State Route 246 follows the ridgeline as it goes from Ninety-Six Creek to Halfway Swamp.) The western watershed does not, as would be expected, flow west into the Savannah River. Its creeks curl north and eventually flow back to the east and drains into the Saluda River. The ultimate flow of the creeks into the Saluda is not completed on Hunter’s map, presumably because Hunter did not know how they connected. However, he did want to identify the phenomenon along the Cherokeee Path. It is unclear, though, if he meant the swirling “9” and “6” on his map to signify the ridgeline dividing two watersheds or the exotic flow of these creeks in particular.

Much like Chickasaw traders had done earlier when they resided south of Ninety Six on the Congaree, these Cherokee traders hoped to use the Ninety Six location to broaden their trading contacts beyond South Carolina’s border. In essence, Ninety Six became a place for the traders to expand their business, but also to rendezvous with other traders, rest their packhorses, repack, and otherwise restock their pack trains before traveling the trading paths that crossed at Ninety Six. It also gave Charleston merchants inroads into the trade with the western tribes, countering merchants working out of Savannah who were backing the trade through associates in Augusta.

Fig. 14 - Map of the Congaree showing Tom’s Creek, early location of Thomas Brown.

The first land patent surveyed and granted at Ninety Six was created for Thomas Brown, a Catawba Indian trader. Like the Cherokee, the Catawba Nation was severely reduced because of the smallpox. Brown, no doubt, hoped to expand his business by relocating his trading operations from the Congarees up to the crossroads at Ninety Six.

Fig. 15 - 200 acres surveyed for Thomas Brown at Ninety Six on Henley Creek showing “one of the creeks commonly called 96” at the intersection of the path from Congaree and the path t to the Cherokee – 1738.

Patent: Thomas Brown at Ninety Six - 1738[1]

Date: 1738/05/04 - Description: Brown, Thomas, plat for 200 acres of land in Ninety Six at Ninety-Six Creek, along the Cherokee Path above Saxe Gotha.

James Maxwell also worked to move his base of operations closer to Ninety Six. Although filed 12 years later, the date of his patent shows he was establishing a full-scale plantation on the opposite side of the Saluda Rive. The location was just opposite Saluda Old Town near Ninety Six.

Patent: James Maxwell across from Old Saluda Town[2]

Date: 3/23/1749 - Description: Maxwell, James, plat for 1,600 acres on the North Side of Santee. Names indexed: Fairchild, John; Hunter, George; Maxwell, James, Turk, James. Plat reads “ Warrant … dated Ninth day of March 1737 and a precept …. Dated 19^th March 1737… situated on the North side of the Santee River otherwise Great Saluda River.

Both Brown and Maxwell were associates of John Vann and, more than likely, John Vann quickly followed suit, choosing to settle his own family and trade business at Ninety Six. It is not clear when Vann settled there, but he was called “Indian Trader of Ninety Six” only a few years later in 1743, suggesting he was well established at the crossroads by that time. His property at Ninety Six was clearly marked on a later patent showing his plantation below Ninety-Six Creek alongside the path, like Brown, from the Congarees to the Cherokee Nation.

Fig. 16 - John Vann’s plantation “Vann’s old field” at Ninety Six as marked on Andrew Carthey’s survey – 1752.

The Cherokee trade in deerskins may have suffered for some time because of the smallpox epidemic. This was most likely the time that saw John Vann travelling west into Choctaw and Chickasaw territory, but no record has been found to confirm this. In Maxwell’s case, he continued to work with the Cherokee Nation in its ongoing communication with the South Carolina government.

Letter to Lieut. Gov. of New York from Lieut. Gov. Bull of South Carolina[3]

Conference with the Cherokee and Catawba Indians 23 May 1741.

The Governour then addressing himself to the Cherokee say’d what do you want to do with the Belt of Wampum which was sent from the Six Nations through Virginia to your Nation which Mr. Maxwell the beloved man delivered to me when he came from the Nation. One of the beloved Cherokees answered … we desire the Belt of Wampum may be lodged in the Town of Choety in our Nation…

The year 1741 was also about the time when Emperor Moytoy of the Cherokee Nation died. With his death, the provincial government in Charleston appointment his son, Ammouskossittee, as heir to the emperor’s crown, presumingly thinking its inheritance should follow English customs. Since Moytoy’s son was so young, they also required the Raven of Hiwassee and Ostenaco of Tellico to be his guardians. 

The death of Moytoy in battle[4]

1741 -  Moytoy died in battle, Carolina government assigned Ammonscossittee emperor and set over him as guardian Raven of Hiwassee, head warrior of the Valley.

In the Tellico council was Johnny and Osteneco, 

When considering Cherokee customs and rolls for individuals within a clan, the guardianship of Ammouskossittee would have fallen to the Raven and Ostenaco because they were members of Moytoy’s wife’s clan, although her clan name is unknown. Most likely, they were maternal uncles of Moytoy’s son, and, thus, by Cherokee custom, expected to support him, even as he became the next “emperor” of the Cherokee Nation. It also would make sense for them  politically to keep the title of “Emporer” in the family.

Fig. 17 - Cunne Shote, Cherokee Chief, by Francis Parsons.[5]

Along with the death of Moytoy, the conflict between the two headmen from Hiwassee and Tellico and the headmen associated with the Overhill Towns intensified. The headmen of the Overhill Towns were Connecorte (aka Old Hop) and Attacullaculla (Little Carpenter) and they were the headmen from Tanasi and later Chota. The Raven of Hiwassee and Ostenaco of Tellico at this time preferred a pro-English stance while the Overhill headmen often attempted to seek trade and military connections with the French.

The hoped-for support with the French held by various settlements within the Cherokee Nation drove a wedge between their ongoing relationships with the English. However, even between the English colonies of South Carolina, Virginia, and Georgia, there were often conflicts that complicated relationships with the Cherokee. Trade agreements with Virginia were often proposed as solutions when South Carolina turned its back the tribe. Even Georgia, just starting out as a colony, sought to dominate the Cherokee trade from Savannah, especially when silver was thought to have been discovered in the Cherokee Mountains.

Ludovic Grant takes a delegation to Charleston[6]

In late 1742 … there was … a visit of a large delegation from the Cherokee Nation. Ludovic Grant, Cornelius Dougherty, James Maxwell and James Beamer came down with the tribe. [see SC Commons Journal 19 Jan 1743, 28 Feb 1743]
... There was another reason to come down to Charleston: to attract investors and workers / guards / packhorsemen for the "Cherokee Silver Mine Scheme. James Maxwell and Cornelius Daugherty would later present the petition for a land grant where the mine was located. [see Candler, GA Col Recs, XXIV, 124,125]

The idea that silver and other important minerals could be found in the Cherokee nation became a major cause of contention between Georgia and South Carolina, eventually requiring a directive from royal authorities in England. Since no silver discoveries ever developed into actuality, the initial disagreement faded away along with the hopes of a few individuals who had gone into the Cherokee nation in hopes of making it rich. These included Cornelius Dougherty and James Maxwell, who, as a consequence, did not complete their land transaction for land to mine in the Smokey Mountains. However, John Vann did become involved in another land transaction with the Cherokee and the South Carolina government.

1744 Captain John Vann Transports Ammunition for the Purchase of Ninety Six

Fig. 18 - Cherokee Nation as captured by French cartographers. Lower towns not shown. – 1747.[7]

In 1743, the deed from John Vann to Thomas Brown referred to John Vann as “Indian Trader of Ninety Six.” He had been in the Cherokee Nation for many years, first as a packhorse-man, but by 1743 he was clearly a licensed trader and, like Brown, established at Ninety Six. No record shows which Cherokee town had been his place of trade. Most likely, it was a town in Hiwassee River valley where Cornelius Dougherty and the Raven resided. Another possibility is he held the trading post at Stecoe, which later became the village assigned to Bernard Hughes. Since Hughes married John Vann’s wife, it is entirely possible that Hughes marriage occurred when he took over John Vann’s trading house.

There are also no records showing when or how John Vann acquired his property at Ninety Six. Years later, two surveys made for other people’s patents show two of his early properties. Together, they suggest when and how he planned to build out his trading operation. The property at Ninety Six was, like Thomas Brown and the other traders, his first step. From other sources we know it was where he lived until 1751. His property, according to a survey, was just below Ninety-Six Creek along the Cherokee Path. The plat that was entered later by Andrew Carthey/Cathy shows John Vann’s “plantation.” It is important to note, that in the plat John Vann is called “Mr.”  

Fig. 19 - Andrew Carthey Plat at Ninety Six – 1752.

John Vann’s plantation southwest of Andrew Carthey’s Plat[8]

Date: 3/6/1752 - Pursuant to a Precept directed under the hand seal of Geoge Hunter Esqr. His Majesties S. [Surveyor] Genrl. Dated the 3 day of April 1750 & by an order of His Exclys in Council dated the 22 day of Nov. 1751 directed to the SGenl his Certificate on said Recept I have measured and laid out unto Andrew Carthey a tract of Land Containing four hundred acres Situate lying and being on a branch of Santee river Called 96 Creek (about forty Chains Northeasterly of a Plantation Lately in the Possession of Mr. John Van) butting and bounding on all sides on vacant Lands having such shape forma and Marks as appearts by the above platt. Certified this 6 day of March 1752 by me John Fairchild D [Deputy] Surveyor. Certified for Capt. Alexander Alexander 18 Nov 1771 by order of Council.

By 1743, John Vann sold all of his current trade goods to Thomas Brown. He had also acquired cattle from another trader named William Hembry, a son of an important merchant in Charleston, John Emory, suggesting another associate he may have worked with. He sold the cattle along with his stock of horses as well.

John Vann’s deed of sale to Thomas Brown - 1743[9]

Deed of Sale June 30th, 1743 - Vann, John, Indian Trader of Ninety Six, to Thomas Brown, Indian Trader of the Congarees, Saxe-Gotha Township, bill of sale for seven mares, six colts, seven geldings, all the cattle formerly belonging to William Hanly [Hembry] and all the Indian trading goods at Ninety Six. (1 page).

John Vann made the sale to Brown just prior to his own involvement in South Carolina’s government negotiations with the Cherokee. The colony sought to purchase thousands of acres of land above Ninety Six near Long Cane Creek. The purchase agreement included a payment in powder and bullets to be given to the Cherokee to be used in protecting themselves from their enemies as well as for hunting.

Governor James Glen initially funded the entire operation, but the provincial government reimbursed both him and John Vann for their expenses.

Fig. 20 - Survey creating the grant for the land at Long Cane Creek.

Governor Glen initiates an exchange with the Cherokee for land at Long Cane[10]

-           Fol. 2b. 9 Jan. 1745/46, Council Chamber. Minutes containing petition from John Turk and Michael Taylor to settle Ninety Six. Indians will readily relinquish their right to the land if the government supports the plan.

-           Fol. 4. 10 Jan. 1745/46, Council Chamber. Minutes containing he location of lands at Ninety Six settled by Turk and Taylor. Several hundred families would settle there if exempted from taxes.

-           Fol. 6. 14 Jan. 1745/46, Council Chamber. Minutes containing resolution that the government will satisfy the Indians concerning new settlements.

-           Fol. 12b.  14 Jan. 1745/46, Council Chamber. Minutes containing message from Glen to Commons. Glen requests reimbursement for buying land at Ninety Six.

John Vann’s bill to the government of South Carolina for delivering goods to Cherokee - 1746[11]

John Vann appears soon after in official in records in June of 1746, when he presented the bill to the government of South Carolina for expenses incurred in dealing with the Cherokees. The Commons House of Assembly disputed the bill as "extraordinary," but finally agreed that it should be paid only by special order of the governor. As part of this, in Spring 1746 William Elder, a Cherokee trader, served as a guide for Capt. John Vann, for which he was paid  L 80.

Governor Glen identifies the goods delivered to Raven and other Cherokee[12]

Fol. 149b. 23 May 1747, Council Chamber. Minutes containing message from Glen to Commons. Powder and bullets for lands at Ninety Six. Glen lists several talks and letters from the Raven and other Cherokees.

Back in the Cherokee Nation, the conflict between the Raven and Ostenaco “Hiwassee-Tellico” compact and the Overhill Town faction was yet to be resolved. Governor Glen of South Carolina attempted to have the two groups to agree on resisting the French overtures and removing the “Northward” Indians who were living among the Overhill Towns. For the young Emperor Ammouskossittee at Tellico and the headmen of the Valley Towns, concerns about the French inroads continued. Governor Glen met with the Cherokee headmen at Ninety Six, but little was accomplished.

French involvement with the Cherokee - 1745[13]

Fol. 30b. 13 Mar. 1745/46, Council Chamber - Minutes containing petition from the Cherokees in the name of their Emperor and seven Upper Towns requesting arms and ammunition to defend themselves from the French. 

Fol. 41b. 11 Apr. 1746, Council Chamber. Mintues contain letters from Beamer to Glen and Capt. Richard Kent to Martin Cambell. French with to make peace with the Tugaloo Indians. Capt. Richard Kent writes that Keowhee, Hywaee [Little Hiwassee] [sic], and Oconee have made peace with the French. 

Fol. 44b. 13 Apr. 1746, Council Chamber. Minutes containing letter from C. Dougharty to Glen. The Indians, especially the Overhill Towns, need ammunition to protect themselves from their enemies. French are trying to seduce these Indians. Ludovick Grant reports that the French made a peace proposal to Cherokees and Chickasaws. Glen should prevail on the Cherokees to make peace with the Catawbas.

Fol. 46b. 17 Apr. 1746, Council Chamber. Minutes containing forthcoming talk of Glen to Cherokees and a letter from James Paris to Richard Kent. Glen will tell the Cherokees that the French lie. He also lists the rewards for each French captive that the Cherokees bring Glen. James Paris writes that the French and Indians marched into Tannisee under a flag of truce. 

Fol. 58b. 4 June 1746, Council Chamber. Minutes containing affidavit from John Taylor and James Brannon, who escaped from the French only to be recaptured by the Nottoways. Tellico Indians finally set the two men free. French plan to trade with the Cherokee. 

Fig. 21 - James Glen, Governor of South Carolina 1738-1756.[14]

Governor Glen met the Cherokee delegaton at Ninety Six - 1746[15]

1746 Glen met the Cherokee in conference at Ninety-Six and won a promise to drive the northern Indians from their midst. Though Raven of Hiwassee’s henchmen assassinated one French emissary and wounded another, they could not prevent Chota completing its French peace. 

Cherokee Nation map showing the Savannah Indians living with the Overhill Cherokee. [16]

After Glen’s meeting at Ninety Six, the Backcountry saw a temporary end to hostilities but it was the beginning of an influx of Northward (Savanna) Indians into Overhill towns. A map of the Cherokee Nation shows the Savannas living near the Overhill.

1747 John Vann Delivers Trade Goods to the Choctaw Nation

Fig. 22 - French Fort Tombeche (Tombigbee) on the Mobile River.

John Vann’s next endeavor apparently came from his earlier association with James Maxwell, the merchant from Charleston and the Cherokee trader at Ninety Six. Maxwell and his merchant backers in Charleston hired John Vann to deliver a large quantity of powder, bullets, and other trade goods to the Indian nations who resided in the west. They may have selected John Vann because he had previously gone west to trade with the Choctaw and Chickasaw, but no record shows this. The merchants fronting the operations, besides Maxwell, included Charles McNaire and Arthur Harvey. 

It was most likely at this time John Vann acquired his second track of land, which consisted of 250 acres north of Ninety Six along a branch of Stephen’s Creek, later to be called Hard Labor Creek. More than likely, the land’s primary purpose was to corral his stock of packhorses and cattle, letting them graze and fatten before the trek west.

John Vann’s reason for the length of the excursion to the Choctaw Nation[17]

[Prior to the delivery of the trade goods]… On the advice of that [Assembly], fifteen hundred pounds of powder and twice that weight of bullets, half of it for the Choctaws, the rest for the Creek and Chickesaw, was delivered to ROCHE and MAXWELL. For delivery, they entrusted it to John Vann, one of McNaire’s company. Instead of three months or less, the usual trip to the Choctaws from Fort Moore, Vann took eight, excusing himself on the grounds of floods and lack of forage. 

Later on, in 1751, when English land speculators acquired large expanses of land just above Ninety Six, John Vann’s track of land was shown because it fell within their survey.

Fig. 23 - John Vann’s 250 acre tract within the 50,000 acre plat for William Livingstone – 1751.

John Vann’s plat within the Livingston survey - 1751[18]

Date: 11/22/1751 - Description: Livingstone, William and his Associates, Plat for 50,000 Acres above Ninety Six. Names Indexed: Hamelton, John; Hunter, George; Livingstone, William; Vann, John. Locations: Ninety-Six. Document Type: Plat [plat shows 250 acres within the bounds as John Vann, and two plats for Hamelton 10000, 2000 acres each.

Fig. 24 - John Vann’s 250 acres along side John Hamilton’s 10,000 survey.

After being hired by Maxwell and associates and after a long wait in Charleston pulling together the necessary supplies and equipment, John Vann started west with a packtrain of some 50 horses. Conveniently, he had to refresh his packhorses at Stephens Creek, while he waited for spring to arrive before moving on. From there he weathered storms and floods to deliver the trade goods as required.

The Examination of John Vann[19]

Taken before His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable Member of his Majesty's Council, December 1751. To the truth of which he offer'd to make Oath. John Vann Partner in the Choctaw trade with Thomas Maxwell, Charles McNAIRE, Arthur HARVEY and others being examined says, That the chief reason of his refusing to come to Town when sent for by the Governor to answer such questions as might be put to him concerning the Presents sent some time ago by this Government to the Choctaws was not from any fear that he was under of not being able to give a satisfactory account of his delivery of these Presents or of the delay in carrying them up, for that he was conscious that he faithfully did his Duty, but as he has the misfortune to be in debt to several Persons whose demands he is at present not able to satisfy, he was apprehensive that his Creditors might lay hold of that opportunity to imprison his Person and thereby deprive him of a Possibility of either providing for his family, or of paying them their Just demands, but His Excellency having afterward sent him a Letter of protection under the great Seal, he at length returned to Town, tho in his present Circumstances not well able to undergo the Expense of such a Journey or making any stay in Town, That he entered into that Trade and invested all his Substance in it, soon after his Excellency had concluded a Peace with them in May 1747, that he with other Partners carried up 200 horses laded with Goods, that after having stay'd sometime in that Nation, he returned from thence with letters for the Government That there came afterwards other letters expressing the great want that they were in need of Arms and Ammunition to defend themselves against the French, and their friends in that Nation who at that time were plentifully supply'd that upon these letters and other accounts this Government thought it advisable to make Presents to the Choctaws, and also to the Creeks and Chickasaws to induce them to Joyn the Choctaws against the French. 

That these Presents were delivered to Mathew Roach some time in November or December, but this Esq. heard nothing of them till they were at Mr. Maxwells in December at which time he was sent for to take Charge of them and carry them up, Mr Roach having, as he heard, undertaken that they should be carried up for nothing, but all the horse belonging to him and his Partners being in the Indian Nation they were obliged to purchase 54 new horses, some time was also spent in purchasing saddles. 

Wantonness and other necessities for a Journey of 1000 or 1100 Miles, however they set off with the said Ammunition and Arms sometime in February, but by the time they got the length of Stephens Creek the horses grew lean and tir'd and could not proceed, he was therefore under the necessity of lying by with them until the spring, when by fresh food they might recover flesh, and strength, he then set forward with them, but was again retarded by the overflowing of many Rivers occasion by great Rains, they however arrived safe at the Wewoccaws, in the upper Creeks, and from thence sent Runners into the Choctaws for a guard to Escort them past the French Fort. 

Mr. McNairethen in the Nation sent him word to come forward, and that they might expect a guard in a Fortnight, however after they had proceeded some part of the way, and had waited past the time appointed, and being reduced to the greatest want and necessity, they lived several days on Cane tops, they were at length forced to return to the Wewoccaws and having rested themselves and their horses, some days they set off for the Choctaws by way of the Chickasaws Nation. That part of the Presents designed to encourage the Creeks to Joyn the Choctaws having been first delivered to the Wolf at the Wewoccaws in presence of the English Traders there. 

When they arrived at the Chickasaws they persuade John Campbell a good Interpreter to proceed to the Choctaws with them, and as numbers of Choctaws daily come to meet them upon the Road, the little King who was present ordered them Arms and Ammunition both to lighten the horses that they might proceed the faster and to give these People who were our friends an immediate opportunity to defend themselves against the French. It was the Month of August before they arrived with these Presents, and they were all delivered to the little King in the presence of Mr. Campbell, and by him distributed to his People. 

James Adair had hoped the provincial government would hire him instead of John Vann, but he failed to acquire the commission. This soured him on the entire operation. He felt he was the most qualified of all the traders who had worked with the Choctaws.

James Adair’s own expectation to take the goods to the Choctaw Nation[20]

Among the letters by Adair [to] the governor was one dated February 12, 1747, a petition from Adair, John Cambell, and William Newbury seeking a monopoly of the Choctaw trade for “two or three Years”… Adair waited at his fortified store on the Chickasaw-Choctaw frontier for a massive shipment of presents and trade goods from South Carolina. What he got insteas was the news that the contract for the lucrative Choctaw trade had been awarded to Charles McNaire…Other partners in Charles McNaire and Company—derisively dubbed the Sphynx Company by Adair—included Jordan Roche, …James Maxwell, Thomas Maxwell, Arthur Harvey, John Vann, and ultimately, Doctor Thomas Glen, the governor’s brother. …And they promised to deliver South Carolina’s presents to the Choctaw, some nine horse-loads of goods, at no cost.  …It took the company nearly two months to make ready, and McNaire did not set out for the Choctaw country until early June with a massive caravan of over two hundred horses. He did not arrive in the Chickasaw towns until September 25, 1747—somehow managing to double the normal travel time…By the time he arrived, Red Shoe had been assassinated, and the alliance begun so hopefully was quickly falling to pieces. … McNaire’s company, though they had distributed the public presents, had lost most of their goods through bad management and attacks by the French-armed Choctaw.

In his book, Adair had his own version on what happened in the Choctaw country when Vann and the pack team arrived with the trade goods. [21]

While the French had possession of Tumbikpe, we, who knew them, used to send there only small cargoes from the Chikkasah country, to avoid tempting them too far: but one of our great men was reported to have persuaded a couple of gentlemen to join in company with his brother (well known by the name of Sphynx company) in the Choktah trade, and to have supplied them very largely. They loaded, and set off 360 horses, which with all other concomitant charges, in going to such a far-distant country, swelled it to a high amount. The traders, who were employed to vend the valuable cargo, gave large presents to six of the Muskohge leaders, known to be most attached to the British interest, to escort them, with a body of the Choktah, into the country. They passed by Alebahma, in the usual parade of Indian traders, to the terror of the people in the fort. They proceeded as far as a powerful body of our Choktah friends had appointed to meet them, but considerably overstaid the fixed time there, in want of provisions, as their common safety would not allow them to go a hunting: by the forcible persuasion of the Muskohge head-men, they unluckily returned about one hundred and forty miles back on a north-east course. But a few days after, a party of Choktah friends came to their late camp, in order to encourage them to come on without the least dread, as a numerous party were watching an opportunity to attack the French, and their own slavish countrymen; and that they would surely engage them very successfully, while the traders were fording Mobile-river, eight miles above Tumbikpe-fort, under a powerful escortment of their faithful friends. So wisely had they laid their plan, though it was disconcerted by the cautious conduct of the Muskohge head-men: for they are all so wary and jealous, that when the send any of their people on a distant errand, they fix the exact time they are to return home; and if they exceed but one day, they on the second send out a party on discovery. 

At this time, because the enterprise delivering the goods failed to recoup any money, James Maxwell had to mortgage his entire estate to Matthew Roche to pay off his debts. He and his family would eventually relocate to Georgia.

James Maxwell’s insolvency reported[22]

Roche, Jordan, of Charles Town, to Benjamin Simmons, Planter of St. Thomas Parish in Berkley County, and James Cordes, Planter of St. Johns Parish in Colleton County, Bill of Sale for Fifty Slaves which were bought from James Maxwell, Planter of St. Johns Parish in Berkley County, who was indebted to Matthew Roche, Merchant of Charles Town. The said James Maxwell, having auctioned all of his possessions including his estate, slaves, and livestock, of which Jordan Roche purchased many items including the fifty slaves, livestock from Ninety-Six, a share of horses that formerly belonged to Charles Mcnair and Company, the schooner named William, and other miscellaneous items. Jordan Roche agrees to rent these possessions on a yearly basis to Mary Maxwell, the wife of James Maxwell. (7 Pages) Date: 1/2/1750

Maxwell, James, late of St. Johns Parish in Berkley County, to John Fairchild and William Thompson, Bill of Sale for all of his horses located in Ninety-Six and Saludy with the Brand indicated in the Margin. (2 Pages) Date: 1/9/1752

About this same time, Adair related a story that he had heard from one of the men that went with John Vann on the Choctaw mission. In his telling of the story, Adair calls Vann’s travel companion “a thoughtless member of the Choktah Sphynx-company”. “Sphynx” was Adair’s name for the Maxwell-Roche association. He had no love for any of those involved.

Mohawk Indians captured by Cherokee in the Lower Towns[23]

In the year 1747, a couple of the Mohawk Indians came against the lower towns of the Cheerake, and so cunningly ambuscaded them through most part of the spring and summer, as to kill above twenty in different attacks, before they were discovered…Having sufficiently revendged their relations’ blood, and gratified their own ambition with an uncommon number of scalps, they resolved to captivate one, and run home with him, as a proof of their having killed none but the enemies of their country. Accordingly, they approached very near to Keeowhee, about half-a-mile below the late Fort Prince George…In the evening, however, an old beloved man discovered them … to be enemies…he returned to the town and called first at the house of one of our traders, and informed him of the affair…

But contrary to the true policy of traders among unforgiving savages, that thoughtless member of the Choktah Sphynx-company busied himself as usual out of his proper sphere, sent for the head-men, and told them the story. As the Mohawks were our allies and not known to molest any of the traders in the paths and woods, he ought to have observed a strict neutrality. The youth of the town, by order of the head-men, carried on their noisy public diversions in their usual manner, to prevent their foes from having any suspicion of their danger, while runners were sent from the town to their neighbours, to come silently and assist them to secure the prey, in its state of security. They came like silent ghosts, concerted their plan of operation, passed over the river at the old trading ford, opposite to the late Fort, which lay between two contiguous commanding hills, and proceeding downward over a broad creek, formed a large semi-circle from the river bank, while the town seemed to be taking its usual rest. They then closed into a narrower compass, and at last discovered the two brave unfortunate men lying close under the tops of some fallen young pine-trees. The company gave the war signal, and the Mohawks bound up, bravely repeated it: but, by their sudden spring from under the thick cover, their arms were useless; they made desperate efforts however to kill or be killed, as their situation required. …But they were over-powered by numbers, captivated and put to the most exquisite tortures of fire, amidst a prodigious crowd of exulting foes.

One of the present Choctah traders who was on the spot, told me, that when they were tied to the stake, the younger of the two discover our traders on a hill pretty near, addressed them in English, and entreated them to redeem their lives. The elder immediately spoke to him in his own language to desist—on this, he recollected himself, and became composed like a stoic, manifesting an indifference to life or death… it was out of the power of the traders to redeem them…

1749 Turmoil in the Nation

Before the end of the decade, the Cherokee Nation was under attack from neighboring Creek and other enemies. Having made agreements for protection with the English in the past, they requested help from South Carolina but did not receive it. The Raven and others took their demands to Charleston to remind them of promises that had been made earlier. Once again, old wounds were reopened and new ones were laid bare. Even James Adair was involved. But in the end, compliance on all sides to the new agreement failed. As a result, because the enemies of the Cherokee had attacked the Lower Town villages, the different factions within the Cherokee Nation began to work together in their dissatisfaction with the English. Instead of providing the Cherokee with the promised support of an embargo against the Creek, when the Cherokee looked to Charleston, they again received nothing.

Headmen at Charleston – 1749[24]

6 Sep 1749 - Minutes. Headmen visiting Charleston.

The emperor of Great Tellico, Tacito, the Raven of Euphorsee and Hiwassie (two towns now one), Johnnie, Headman of Tennessee, Conontotche Skyo of Tugaloo, and Tchisqua Tellone (the Yellowbird of Keowee) were among those attending a meeting. 

Raven of Hiwassee, delegate to Charleston[25]

[Governor] Glen invited delgations from both groups[Creek and Cherokee] to Charleston… in September, 1749… Cherokee leaders included the Raven of Hiwassee and the young emporer, Ammonscossittee?lost this text. General agreements resulted by which the Cherokee promised not to permit northern Indians to pass through for attacks on the Creek, and both tribes consented to a Carolina embargo on trade violators and for injured parties to confer with the Carolina governor before resorting to the law of blood revenge.

James Adair’s account of the Cherokee upraising[26]

This was in the beginning of May 1750: and in our Indian trading way, we say that, when the heat of the new year enables the snakes to crawl out of their lurking holes, the savages are equally moved to turn to mischief. …

I had at this time occasion to go to the Cheerake country; and happened to have a brave cheerful companion, Mr. H. F. [Henry Foster] of Ninety-Six settlement. We had taken a hearty draught of punch, about ten miles from Keehwhee-town, opposite to which the late Fort-Prince-George stood, and were proceeding along when we dicovered the fresh tracks of Indians in the path, who were gone ahead. As we could not reasonable have the least suspicion of their being enemies we rode quite carelessly: but they proved to be … Monongahela-Indians. … If we had not been so nigh the town [of Ninety Six], my companion would have fired at them. We went to the town, and the traders there soon informed us of [the Indian’s] cowardly designs. 

We went as far as the mid-settlements … a large company of the lower towns Indians started out from the sloping rocks… As they were naked except theirbreech-cloth, were painted red and black, and accoutered every way like enemies… on this I turned back and stood my arms. … [Allowed to pass since] we were not any of their traders …We got over the mountain, and safe to Tymahse {Tomassee, the trading house of John Bryant]; here we rested two nights, and found the people distracted by the mischief.

War with the Creeks and others intensefies - 1751[27]

Talk of the Overhill Cherokees - ...we are now at war with the Cowetas and Cussitas and the Lower Creek, who since they cut off the Town of Tugolo and the Rest of the Towns on that River are daily doing us some Mischief…

As the last straw, when Cherokee headmen requested the colonial authorities to address a theft of deer hides stolen by white men from Cherokee hunters, they were ignored. The theft of the skins was reported to justices at Ninety Six, but when nothing substantial was done about it, conflicts escalated between Cherokee warriors seeking to retaliate against any European settlers within reach. Extensive depositions taken in the Backcountry reported the turmoil, confusion, and ultimately, a number of deaths. All of this involved John Vann, his hired men, and many of his neighbors. Eventually, Bernard Hughes, Mrs. Roe and even the Raven became involved as the nation sought out its own expectation of justice.

The theft of the skins found stored at John Vann’s.[28] 

James Beamer - On his Examination before His Excellency the Governor and the Honorable Member of his Majesty's Council, July 12,1751 

Declared that in the Fall of the Year 1750, he fitted out seven Indians from his Town of Tougolo' for their winter Hunt, and they were to send in one of them for Horses to bring in their Skins for January, And their not coming nor sending, we expected that they was either taken or killed by the Enemy. Some Time after one Chickesaw Tehee came in and gave an Account that their Skins was all stole by some white Men, and I asked them what Quantity they had lost, and he told me the Quantity that each Man lost which in the Whole amounted to 331 Skins. The person that stole them had disguised their Theft by several proceeding to make the Indians believe it was their Enemies had stole them by the [Tongues?] being scatted about, the small Skins cut and their Dried Meat thrown on the Fire, But on further Search they found out by their Names and Tract to be white People, on which following the Tract two Days, then they, the above said Chickesaw Tehee, was sent in to this Examinant to acquaint him that their Skins was stole, and to desire he would meet them at 96 to see whether or no he could fine out the Skins for them. But then he could not go down but sent one of his Men, Edward Broadway, where they were with a Letter to Mr. Francis to endeavor to get the Indians' Skins if they could be found. When the said Broadway came to them they found a Pipe that they had packed in their Skins, and they desired the said Broadway to go with them to Capt. Francis to Get Information where that Pipe came from, for that they imagined where that came their Skins was. And when they came there they found that the pipe had been given to Mr. Francis' Servants by James Adair. Adair being examined by Capt. Francis declared that it was given him by Benj., Burgess, and he being inquired after could not be had for a proper Examination in the said affair. Mr. Francis, as Edward Broady informed this Examinant, treat the Indians with great Civility and offered them all the Assistance as a J.P. he could give them, and in Particular, a search Warrant, which they took but never gave it to say Constable, but returned back to Wm. Turner as the Indians informed this Examinant, where they resided still expecting this Examinant would come down to them. But when they found he did not come, some or all of them went to John Vann's where they saw 7, 8, or 11 of them Skins that they had lost, but would not take them, as they not get whole, as they told this Examinant, but went Home very much dissatisfied for the Loss of their Skins and continued so till this Examinant left the Nation. And then desired this Examinant to recommend the Affair to His Excellency, that they might be reimburse the Value of the Skins. This Examinant heard some Person say that James Burgess should declare that he taken the Skins, and would do the same again had an Opportunity. Mr. Beamer being asked whether he had heard any Other being concerned in the taking these Skins, to which he answered as above that 8 Skins had been found at Mr. Vann's and that he had been informed that one Avery  carried them there. 

The report and disregard of the theft of the Cherokee deerhides that initiated the turmoil[29]

The Deposition of Herman Geiger - Taken before his Excellency the Governor and His Majesty's Council, 11 May 1751 

Herman Geiger informs me that being some time ago at the House of James Francis vizt. about six Weeks ago, when some Cherokee Indians were there, applying to him said Francis as a Justice for some Leather that had been stolen from them, not far from Francis’ House, and the said Indians alleged that in the Camp where they left the said Leather they left also six or seven stone Tobacco Pipes, which they afterwards discovered some white People smoking out of, and said that those that stole these Pipes must also have stolen their Leathers; and therefore earnestly prayed Mr. Francis to do them Justice, and make some Enquiry into it. But he absolutely refused it; saying that no Notice should be taken of such Fellows; for that they owed James Beamer Leather, and probably had laid out their Leathers at Savanna Town, or somewhere else, and only said, for an excuse, that they had been robbed of their Leathers. All this Herman Geiger heard from the Interpreter, but was not present when the Indians made the Complaint. But he heard Francis himself say that no Notice should be taken for what these rascally lying sons of Bitches say. And being asked where Mr. Francis lives now? Says he has left Saludee soon after the Scout was discharged, and gone further up, where he defends himself against any Writs that may come against him, and has seven or eight very desperate Fellows about him. That while Mr. Geiger staid there he discovered, pretty clearly, who had stolen the Leathers, but said Nothing, because it was many of the People that were in that House. But John Davis, being there at the same time asked Herman Geiger whether he had discovered who the Thieves were? He said he believed he had, but would say nothing till he heard him speak. And he said suspected the very People about that House, particularly Francis's Son in Law Johnny Foster. And Herman Geiger replied that You and I have the same Thoughts.

The Interpreter told Geiger that the Indians were vastly dissatisfied at being refused Justice, and said since they could not get their Leathers they must take the People that had stolen it. Mr. Geiger & Davis staid but one Night at Mr. Francis's and set off next Morning, with some of the People who were in that House, particularly one of Francis's Son's in Law, [who] rode a part of the way with them to the House of John Vann, he, Foster, pretending to be going to Savanna Town. But when he came there he went another way, upon which Davis said to Geiger that it was more likely he wanted to go to see where they had laid their Leathers. And by Geiger and Davis discovered Vann was also concerned and some of those he had seen at Francis's House, who came also to Vann's House. …

John Vann Won’t Deliver up Burgess[30]

James Francis to Governor Glen April 14, 1752 

 …  I beg Leave to be further troublesome, Sir, and acquaint your Excellency of some assages lately happened concerning Burgess whom Mr. Vann is now making Pretensions of taking, and it is the Opinion of most, and that not without Reasons, that it is only Pretence for it is well known to all that Mr. Vann hath had it in his Power to have taken Burgess at any Time since his Escape from Curry, and that his House hath been his Place of Residence and Support almost ever since, off and on, until they got Notice that there were Schemes laid to take him there, and then he was sent away to Broad River. But even then no two Brothers could more intimate than John Vann and Burgess, which is the Reason that most People are doubtful of Mr. Vann's being real when he talks of taking Burgess. However, I shall be very glad they may be deceived in their Opinion, and that Vann may make good his Word, though it should be an Instrument as base as Burgess himself. And indeed, if he can be taken by such a one, no Man hath greater Plenty of such at Command than Mr. Vann, for he hath no less than three Negroes, one Mulatto, and a half-bred Indian now living with him, all bearing an equal Character with Burgess and which I believe there is not three Families on Saludy would suffer any one of them to remain four and twenty Hours on their Planation. The half-bred Fellow is noted for his Roguery. The Mulatto is one of SCOTT'S Sons who escaped out of Prison before Sessions, and one of the Negroes has been burnt in the Cheek for his Practices and the other two of the same Stamp. One of these Negroes, Sir, Mr. Vann saith he employed some small Time past to take Burgess, but by his Behavior most People doubt he was rather sent to knock him on the Head to prevent his telling of Tales in Case he should be taken. Be it as it will, it is most certain that Mr. Vann might have taken Burgess long before this without hurting a Hair of him. And this Negro aforesaid went to Burgess Camp, and taking the Opportunity when he was asleep, made a Stroke at his Head with a Hatchet, but missed his Blow and struck him on the Side of his Face and broke his Jaw Bone very much. He still endeavored to follow his Blows, and at Length lost his Hatchet in the Fray but drawded a Knife and stuck it in his Body in two or three Places. But at Length fled and made his Escape, the Negro having beforehand hid the Gun while Burgess was asleep, and it is supposed that he would not make Use of that, that he might have a Plea of his Side. However true these Conjectures are I don't pretend to judge, but have sufficient Reasons to know that they might contrive to take Burgess without taking these Measures if they had any real Design for it long before this. And the many different Ways they have of telling this Matter from the Truth makes People judge the Worse of it. After Burgess's escape the Negro Fellow instantly drove up two Horses that Burgess then had (one of which was the Dutchman's that he had escaped from Curry on), and packed them with all his Effects than at the Camp, viz., twenty-odd Deer Skins, about as much Beaver, a Rifle Gun, and in short, all his Accouterments whatsoever and brought them to Mr. Vann's I happened at a House some few Days after this where was John Vann, his Brother, and this Negro aforesaid, and not knowing any Thing of the real Truth of the Affair otherways than that this Negro had got the Dutchman's Horse aforesaid from Burgess, I therefore asked him concerning the Matter, and he acknowledged he had him on which I ordered him to bring him in that he might be delivered and surrendered up to the Owner. But Mr. Vann resented the Demand, and said he had the Horse, and when he saw his own Time he would surrender him and not before, and several such like Expressions, and in short made Use of some Expressions against Authority and even the highest in this Province that I thought myself in Duty bound to put a Stop to his ignorant and ridiculous Discourse with Threats, and in short ordered him on his Peril to surrender the Dutchman's Horse in three or four Days at farthest, or I should take other Measures with him, and notwithstanding his Bravados then I hear he has since sent him down to Mr. CREIL, so that I presume the Owner hath him before this. …

Mrs. Roe warns of an attack on Bernard Hughes[31]

Deposition of James MAXWELL - Taken before Issac Motte Esqr. One of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace or Granville County. 4 May 1751 

That on the eighteenth Day of April last I got into Kewohee, and went into Mr. Richards SMITH's and asked what was the News in the Nation; He told me there was very bad talk, and the Indians were very insolent, and talked of killing the Traders, and keeping the Leather, And that the Villains who killed the white Men at the Hoconeys made their Brags of it. A little after I was in Town the good Warrior of TOGOOLOO came to me and asked me if I had heard of their People's killing white Men, and what the Governor, said about it; and if I thought he would resent it on the whole Nation. I answered that I had nor seen the Governor. before I came away, but that it was not the way of the English to punish the Innocent for the Guilty. He told me that they told him it was by Mistake. To which I replied if that was the Case, it will be easy to make it up, but if otherwise, the Offenders would be called to Account; which the good Warrior said was right, and so we parted. 

The nineteenth I went on my way through several Towns till I came to Hyoree, and found there were bad Talks everywhere.

The twenty third I staid at Hyoree. The twenty fourth I went over Hyoree Mountain, and down the Valley to Hyowossee, where I was told the Raven, Head Man of the Valley, would not suffer any bad Talks in his Town. And found Samuel BENN and ROBERT GOWDY there, who were come over the Hills, with their Horses and Leather, And that the Over Hills People had sent a strong guard with them. So I was glad to find that the whole.  …    The twenty fifth I came to Tomahtly to Mr. GRANTS and staid there all Night. The twenty sixth I returned to Hyoree about five of the clock and was told, as soon as I came there, that there was a Runner sent from Kewohee and the lower Towns to kill me and all the white People, in those Parts, in four Nights. Which I only laughed at; as I really thought if they had such a design they would never make it public. 

The 26^th I returned to Ioree about 5 o’Clock and was told as soon as I came there, that there was a Runner sent from Kewokee and the Lower Towns to kill me and all the white People in those Parts in 4 Night, which I only laughed at, as I thought if they had such a Design they never would make it publick

 The 27^th [day of April] it rained very heard [sic] most of the Day,, … but about 5 o’Clock  I saw one James May and two of his Men coming to the House very fast on Foot, who told me there was very bad News. That an Indian Woman was come to their House and said that the Cherokees and Norwards on Tokasigia River actually killed Danl. Murphey, and that they went to kill on Bernard Hughs and his Men and take his Goods, but that she ran to tell him of it, but that he was very slow to run off and the Indians came and broke open his Store and took all his Goods and Leather, and parted it among them, and sent Parties after Hughs and his Men to kill them, which I am afraid they effected. 

The twenty seventh it rained very hard most of the Day, [and] I did not intend to come fro thence till Monday the twenty ninth. But, about five of the clock, I saw one James MAY and two of his Men coming to the House very fast on Foot, who told me that there was very bad News, that an Indian Women was come to their House, and said the Cherokees and the Northwards, on Tuckasgee River, had actually killed one Daniel MORPHY; and that they went to kill one Bernard HUGES and his Men, & to take away his Goods, but that an Indian Woman coming to the knowledge of it, she ran to tell him of it, but that he was very slow to run off and would not stir he saw them coming, and then he and his Men run off. And the Indians came and broke open his Store, and took all his Goods and Leather, and parted it among them; and sent Parties after HUGHES and his Men to kill them: which I am afraid they effected. …

John Vann and his wife flee to Fort Moore[32]

[Deposition of James Maxwell, continued]

…On this I sent for the Head-Men of the Town, and asked them if they knew any Thing of it, they acknowledged they did that Morning, for it was done the day before. I asked if they were consenting to it or to destroy the Traders. They told me no; and that they would send over a Runner to the Raven of the Valley to know his Sentiments on it. I asked them if they would stand by me and the white People there, if these Towns and the Northwards would come to attempt to kill us. They said they would. But, at the same time, told me there were upwards of one hundred Northwards, and if they came they could not be able to stand them; which as a good Hint for me to be gone. By this time it was Night, and we had no Horses provided to be gone, and the Wenches who were kept by the white Men there, told them to tell me to be gone and they with me; which I was loath to do. But by their Importunities I was prevailed on to endeavor to escape; and ordered all the white Men about me to get their Arms, and try to get their Horses; which Providence put in our way: And about eleven of the clock at Night set out with sixteen white Men and two black Men, but not all armed. I was advised by some Indians to go out by Toogooloo and down to Augusta, where we arrived the third Instant safe. At a Place, called Little River, one James Portershell (Tortershell) and William VEAL came to us and told us they had made their Escape from Kewohee; and that they believed all or the most part of the white Men in those Towns were killed the same Night. John Vann, who had fled, with his Wife and Family from the Ninety Six, told Us that one John Watts and others were come that Way and said they narrowly escaped with Life. And that one Hugh Morphy going to the Cherokees was shot at Cornacre through the Arm but had got clear of the Villains that shot him. And also that Neighborhood had fled and left their Habitations.

Cornelius Doughtery provides correspondance from the Raven to James Maxwell[33]

Cornelius Dougherty to James Maxwell - Sunday Night April 28^th, 1751

Sir, We received your letter, and is under a great concern to hear of the Death of Daniel Murphey. The Mankiller of Hywassee has sent to the 7 Towns over the Hills for to be here in 5 Nights, and desires that you may come here directly to be at the Meeting. …

And Mr. Bunning is here now, bringing a Messenger concerning Barnd. Hughs being gone off, and his Goods being stole, sent by the Town of Tucherecha to the Raven, and tomorrow goes of, and is to be here at the Meeting. The Raven’s Talk is such that four out of each Town underneath mentioned, is to be at Tucheareecha in 3 Days, and there Mr. Bunning is to give the Raven’s Talk. … and likewise the Raven has sent Word to Bernard’s People to deliver the Goods back again and if they don’t, Mr. Bunning is to come directly to tell him now, and he further says that if you should hear of Bernard and his People to tell them to stay at Ioree.

I am yours till Meeting,  Corns. Dougharty

P.S. My Eyes lives to see the white People for what is it we can make of ourselves.

Tassatta (his mark) of Hywassee

Other attacks on Backcountry settlements may not have been by the Cherokee[34]

Meeting of Tuesday, A.M. 3e September 1753

The Petition of Stephen Holstein humbly setting forth that the Petitioner lived and resides with his Family on the Little Saluda River and being about the beginning of August last absent from his house, about some private affairs, about 40 Cherokee Indians who had come from Charles Town and Confirmed a Peace with the Creeks on return to their nation they surrounded the peitioner’s house and demanded provisions. The Petitioner’s wife did accordingly give them victuals and whatever else she could affoard that they wanted, but not contented with that tow of t hem came in, and desired sleep upon the Floor, for which permission was given them at the same time it be now Dark the Petitioner’s wife retired to her bed Chamber and two other white men to the Rooms but no sooner had they been asleep, till the said Cherokee Indians surrounded the house at the same time firing a great many guns, and on each side of the house there being a Door the said Indians broke open the Doors and came forcibly into the Petitioner’s house and one of the armed with a Gun endeavoured to force open the door of the Room wheret he Petit’rs wife Lay, she looking throw a hole asked him what he wanted and seeing all of the armed and in a forcible posture, to save her live, she jumped out of a window, with a young Infant in her arms and went thro the woods three miles to a neighbour’s house where she took shelter that night and in the morning returning to her own house, she found that the said Cherokees had Robberd her of the chief part of her Pewter, Plate, Dishes, Tea Cups, Kettle, and took away about 30 bushels of corn and a mare belonging to the Petitioner and another mare, the property of his mother in law and carried them off. The Petitioner prays to procure restitution of the Damages sustained by those Cherokees and to punish the violence and outrages committed. Charles Town, the 3d Sep’r. 1753. Stephen Holstein.

The rumors expand and the reasons grow[35]

Affidavit of William Thomson - [no date May 10?, 1751]

Wm. Thomson being duely sworn, declareth that for some Time past he had been at Tomasse, a Town in the Cherokee Nation, not as a Trader, but Servant to William McDowell.

That on Wednesday or Thursday after Mr. Maxwell went from Tomasse, to go over the Mountains, he heard at Kewee that the Indians designed to kill all the white People, which Information he had of Wm. Mr. [sic] Smith. That the Reason given by the Cherokees for their Resolution of killing the white Men was because they said this Government supplied the Creeks with Ammunition and withheld it from them.

 That one Edwd. Broadway was the first that brot the Deponent an Account of four white Men being killed by the Indians, that on Chiottohee was the Man that killed Murphey, that the Indian Messenger when he returned over the Mountains, would not stop anywhere, till he came to Kewee. That Moses Kellingham advised the Deponent to save his Life by immediately making his Escape. That thereupon the Deponent set off from Tomassee about Midnight. That he [the deponent] did all he could to persuade John Bryant to go with him, but he said, if they took a way his Goods, they must also take his Life, therefore that he would remain in the Nation and see the Upshot. That however Moses Kellingham did set off with the Deponent. When Smith was ask’t the Reason for the Indians taking the Resolution of killing the white People, he said these Indians were so much indebted to the white People for Goods, that tey imagined if they killed them the Debt was paid. The four white People who was killed, were murdered in one Day in their several Towns via.; Murphey in Conohoy, Bartholw. Hughs [Bernard Hughes] in Stecoew, Thomas Langley in Kittna, and Charles Grores in Kittna.

That before the Deponent left the Nation, Beamer left his own Town and came past Toxoway. That James Thomson came to Tomasse to acquaint the Traders that Beamer was gone off, and named all the white People and Traders to follow him. That as Bryan told the Deponent, James Maxwell came to Oycree, in order to go off, that some had or said they were informed by some of the Indians, that the Talks of the Indians against the white People was very bad. That Beamer set off 3 Nights after Maxwell, that on the Day Beamer fled, and the Deponent did the same, that after the Deponent

James Francis reports more deaths and more confusion[36]

James Francis to Governor Glen - Seludy, May 14th, 1751

Sir, This Settlement &c. hath made bold to lay before your Excellency and Honorably Council a Petition requesting a Redress against the Insults of the Indians. Wm. Thomson who came from the Cherokee Nation, and Edward Turner of this Neighborhood, were the Bearers, Jno. Bryan’s [sic] Oath in Relation to the Disturbance of the Cherokees when he left them, did also make bold to send down. … We therefore met (the Generality of the Neighbourhood) at the most convenient Place, and fortified ourselves, so as to defend us gainst any Quantity of Indians, as we imagined could come against us. Mr. Gowd’y and Mr. Dowey coming from the Cherokees gives us Encouragement to return to our Plantations, but not without Apprehension of Danger from these Norward Indians, who certainly go in large Companies and openly threaten white as well as red People.

We have an Account of a Family being cut off, being on Seludy Branches, being a Man, his Wife and four Children, but it seems the Woman’s Life is saved. The Multitude of Strange Indians that are often seen in these Parts are realy surprising.  And by all Accounts several are the French wholly in their Interest. And it is to be doubted some Mischief will be done in these and other out Settlements, unless some Method is taken to prevent it, which is the humble Prayers and Request of this Settlement, in General, that your Excellency would please to take into Consideration, who desired this Opportunity per Mr. Gowdey should not be missed in acquainting your Excellence of their Fears in Relation to the French Indians.

From, Sir, your Excellency’s most obedient, humble Servant to command, James Francis.

Another example to the depredations made by the Indians in the Backcountry[37]

[Another] episode in the 1751 Indian alarm occurred on a branch of the thinly settled Little Saluda. The head of the stream later called Cloud Creek was formed by several springs near the crossing of the natural routes from the Congress to Fort Moore and from Ninety Six to Orangeburge. For that reason, probably, the place appealed to the retired Indian trader Isaac CLOUD, and here he made his home. At midnight of May 7, 1751, Mary CLOUD arrived at the house of Martin FRIDIG, in Saxe Gotha, and there her narrative on oath before Daniel SHYDER, Captain of the militia company. That on the fourth Instant two Indians came to my House about Half way between the Congress and Savannah Town. The Indians were Savannas They came there about dark, and sate down very civilly: and my Husband being able to talk there Tongue they talked a great while together, And I gave them Supper. And they asked my Husband for Pipes and Tobacco, and he gave it them. And we sate up until Midnight, and then we all went to Sleep; and they lay down too and pulled off their Moccasins and Boots. One of them broke his Pipe, and he came to the Bed to my Husband, who handed unto him his Pipe, out of his mouth, and laid down again; and we all dropped into sleep; and when the Cocks began to Crow they came, as I suppose, came to the Bed, and Shot my Husband through the head. And a young man lying upon the Floor was Shot in the same Minute. And the Indians, I suppose, thinking the Bullet had gone throw' my Husband's Head and my own too, struck me with a Tomahawk under my right Arm; and afterwards they struck me two cuts upon the left Knee. I lying still they supposed I was dead, and one of them went and killed both my Children; & then they came and took the Blankets from us & plundered the House of all that was valuable and went off. And in that bad Condition I have lain amongst my Dead two Days. and by the help of Providence one of my Horses came to the House; and so I came to Martin FRIDIG's House  

John Vann still at Ninety Six but heading to Fort Moore[38]

John Gray to Governor Glen - 22 May, 1751, Fort Moore 

Sir, Last Sunday Morning by 7 o'Clock the Party and I arrived at this Fort all in very good Health. We would complete our March sooner had our Horses held out. I was obliged to hire another Horse by the Way to help us along. I have not seen an Indian on the Road nor yet here, save one Creek Fellow that attempted to cut his Throat, by giving himself a Cut in the Neck with a Knife, this stired the People that seed it very much. Various was their Conjectures upon this Occasion, not worth your Excellency's Reading. The Indian is are covering; we find by him that his Reasons for so doing proceeded from Fear of loosing his Ears or some other Punishment if he returned to his Nation, or being killed by the Enemy Indians that haunts round this Place. I see Nothing at Present that appears like a War. All the People that took Shelter in both Forts are returned to their different Habitations. Capt. Cadogan sends your Excellency by this Opportunity the Affidavit of one Williams, a Cherokee Trader, that offers from some sent before by other Traders of that Nation The enclosed is a Return of all the public Stores belonging to this Fort. This the last, is this two of the Curtain Lines in a falling Condition, which may be repaired with little Expense if taken Time of the four Flankers finished. The Barracks are in pretty good Order, but wants some little Repairs. The few great Guns have no Cartridges. No spared Arms for the Inhabitants, if they should be obliged to come in. I enquired for John Vann. I am told by his Wife that he is at Ninety Six and expected here daily. I would be glad to know from your Excellency whether I am to be at any Expense in entertaining Indian here as they reckon Nothing of Civility without the former. Also what Indians to shew that Civility to, and at what Rate

James Maxwell supplies a statement showing his involvement[39]

Affidavit of James Maxwell June 12^th, 1751

The Deponent then proceeded over the Mountains to the Valley, and went there to Hywassee to Corns. Dougherty’s House, a principal Trader there.  He said all was well and that the Raven of Hywasse, Head Man of 7 Towns, would not hear any bad Talks, though there had been frequently many sent from the Lower Towns. At the Place the Deponent met with Robert Gandey [sic, s/b Goudey] and Saml. Benn, 2 principal Traders over the Hills, and asked them what news there. They told that all seemed to be well there…

The Raven of Hiwassee provides details on what happened to Bernard Hughes[40]

Talk of the Raven - Euphersee, May 14^th, 1751

May it please your Excellency, by Order of the Emperor to the Raven of Hiwassee, together with his Head Men and Warriours of his Towns to have a Meeting, the Raven as Spokesman for them all gives his Talk as follows.

He says he is partly sorrow that the People of his Nation should have any bad Thoughts in their Hearts, but the Warriours that was at the Southward at Warr that killed the white People reported that Wm. Carr should tell them, the People of Keowee and Esternorie, that your Excellency should say that you would send up an Army of Men to kill the Norwards wherever they were to be found, in any of our Towns. So when they got this in their Heads, they could not believe it was the Norwards you intended to kill, but they themselves. So … upon a meeting …they sent Messengers… So upon the same Sticoe, Keneeteroy and Kittawa joined in Arms, and took the white Man’s Goods.

The Raven being gon to Timotly meets a Messenger with a Letter from Mr. Maxwell to Mr. Doharty, but for the Raven at the same Time , to acquaint him that Bernard Hughs and his Men was killed. But when the Letter came to be read it was Daniel Murphey, which his Heart was sorrow to hear of the white Man being killed. But afterwards found to his great Satisfaction, that it was a false Report.

Mr. Bunyon [Bunning] sent by the Town of Tucherechee at the same Time to acquaint the Raven that the white Man’s Goods was stole, so directly the Raven sent of a Messenter to the seven Towns over the Hills to be at Timothly I 5 Nights to have a meeting. That if it had been that the white Men was killed, they would seek for Revenge for the white Men and the Goods. So directly the Raven sent his Son, Skienah, and 5 Warriours with Mr. Bunyon to those Towns to search and get what they could belonging to the white People, but when they herd these People were coming from the Raven, those that was Rogues, took the Goods with their Women and Children and was afraid to see them. The Raven’s Son seeing the Collours a’flying took them down, and said they did not belong to any rogueish Town and delivered them to Mr. Bunyon too carry to your Excellency to order them where you please. …

The Raven said that he had his head Men and Warriours has not forgot all the good Talks that they have heard from Time to Time, nor never shall be forgot, as long as Grass grows and Water runs, and we will hand it down  to our young people comeing up, and graft it in their Hearts, as your Excellency has done in thiers, for they do not want to know any other people but the English…

The Warriour of Nottally says that the white People and them lives upon one Earth, and hopes our Hearts is as one to each other. And that he never was at the English, but has heard all good Talks that come from his Father and beloved Men, by the old Emperor. … And now I think my Heart is at Ease, and yours the same when you see the Messenger, and I have allotted him 31 Days till I have an Answer.

The Raven (his mark for all) of Highwassee

Fig. 25 - Trade regulations by James Glen identifying the seven Valley Towns as Euforsee, Conostee, Little Tellico, Cotocanahut, Nayowee, Tomattley, and Cheewohee. [41]

Governors propose ways to better regulate the trade business with the Cherokee Nation[42]

GOVERNOR GLEN TO GOVENOR CLINTON

May 24^th 1751

SCHEME FOR REGULATING THE INDIAN TRADE

No. 1. That a small Fort be built in the Lower Towns…

No. 4. That one Trader be assigned to each District…

…

9. Enforsee, [Euphasee aka Hiwassee] Conostee and Little Telliquo, [shall be] one [District]

10. Cotocanahut, Nayowee, Tomattly, and Cheewohee, one

These seven are the Valley Towns 

…

14. Tuckareechee, Kittowa, Conontoroy, one

15. Steecoy, [Stecoe]  Oustanarle, Tuckasegee, one

These are the out Towns

…

20. It may be difficult to find 13 Persons proper for this Trade, though there are three Times that number present in the Nation,

…

22. Mr. Dougharty and Mr. Grant have traded in the Valey [sic] Towns and may be continued there.

…

24. Barnard Hughs and some Others have traded in the out Towns and may continue there. 

In the list of traders assigned to the Cherokee towns at this time, John Vann’s name was not among them. Presumably, he was not an active Cherokee trader at this time, having recently been trading with the Choctaw and Chickasaw trade. While he may have lost his merchant support when James Maxwell went bankrupt, he may also have started to work out of Georgia. Regardless of John Vann’s involvement, his Cherokee wife, Mrs. Roe still had family in the Cherokee Nation and Cornelius Dougherty and Bernard Hughes were both assigned to be licensed traders to Cherokee towns.

Dougherty stays in the Nation, responds to the Governor[43]

Cornelius Dougharty to Governor Glen - Euphasee July 31^st 1751

May it please your Excellency, Mr. Bunning arrived here at my House the 22^nd Instant with your Excellency’s Letters for the Emporer and Tasitte of this Place and your Order to all the Traders to quit this Nation till Satisfaction was made by the Indians for their insolent Behavior. … 

In regard, I am a Trader amongst them almost thirty Years, and have now and at all Times heretofore in Time of Trouble done my Endeavor to bring them to a right Temper… Wherefore … I have the Misfortune to be much involved in Debt by Means of several great Companies I was concerned in, which obliged me sorely against my Inclination to stay some Years past in the Nation…Therefore, I would … beg of your Excellency …that you would be pleased … to grant me your Charitable Protection… that I might come down in Obedience to your Commmands…

Talk of the Raven and others from the Valley Towns warned not to go to Charleston[44]

Hywassee, August 9^th, 1751 - The Mankiller of Hywassee, the Raven, his Talk with the 7 Towns of the Valley, joined by Cesar of Great Telliquo.

The Raven begun and spoke as follows, … But further he said that the Leter that was gone down now, the Emporer of Telliquo and Settico and the seven Towns of this Valey new Nothing of it, but I remember without your Messengers name the Emperor and his Warriours agreeing to mind no Talks that came otherwise and hopes that you think the same, and we hope that you will let the Traders come up amongst us again, and Mr. Dogharty our Trader who always supplied us with Goods in there Towns.

Talk of the Raven - August 31 [1751]

The Raven of Hywassee says that Chicksea Dick came with News into Eastenare, and said the the English Covets, Vehees, Chactaw Catawbas, and all the Settlement Indians was coming to cut off Keowee and Estanaree, and that it would be done in eight Nights Time. Ordered by the Governor of Carolina, and that the Path was wailaid to kill the Cherokees when they, if they had gone down. And he asked if there was any gone, and they said no, but Eustanahe of Great Telliquo, which had been gone four Nights before, he came, and he made Answer then he must be killed, for every Path was waylaid, and directly to leave their Towns, and go upwards for Nothing surer then their Towns would be destroyed. … If in Case this Talk is true now I send these two white Men with the Messenger to send me an Answer in Eighteen Nights, but if War [I] don’t expect to see your Messenger nor yourself, Robert Buning. 

The Raven  [His___ Mark] of Hywassee

By 1751, the Raven and other Cherokee headmen went to Charleston to negotiate peace in front of James Glen, the governor. The Treaty of 1751 would be the last attempt at a joint English-Cherokee agreement put forth by the Hiwassee-Tellico faction of the Raven and Ostenaco.

The Cherokee at Charleston for the Treaty of 1751[45]

When the conference in Charlestown opened on November 13, 1751, 160 Cherokees were present. Save for Chotte, nativist and unwilling to truckle to Carolina, all regions of the nation were represented. Led by Skiagunsta of Keowee and the Good Warrior of Estatoe, the Lower Towns came in greater force than since 1745. From the Hiwassee-Tellico group came the Great Raven and his son, Moitoi of Hiwassee, and Old Caesar of Chatuge. The Young Emperor had had to turn back because of illness.

The Raven and his son attend the conference for peace held in Charleston – 1751[46]

LIST OF INDIAN TOWNS AND HEAD MEN

Charles Town, 20th November 1751

Towns                                 Head Men                                         Total                [Trader]

Kewhohee                                        Skiagunsta, Old Warrior              

Ozusta, the Catawba King       60          Beamer

Chote King                         143       

Estatowe                                           The Good Warrior               60

                                                            Clogistah                                          

Tucksoie                                            Osquozuftoie                    60

                                                            The Raven                         

Jommausee [Hiwassee]                Scholloloskie                     37          Doharty

Chewhohe                                        Skiagusta                                          45

Ossazlay                                            Jemmy                                20

Kewee                                 Jaccutee                                            80

Oustate                              The Yellow Bird                70

Steecowee                                        Tacitee                              

Nequossee                       

Jackasechee                                     Chuchachee                      40          Grant

Juforchee [Euphasee]                    The Raven and his son  40         

                                                            Skiakow

                                                            Taciette, the Noche Warrior

Tolequo the Less                            Savanutohee                     65          Smith

                                                            Onatowe                                          

Tommozlley                                                                                  100

Iollehee                              The Prince                         130

Chaztoge and Great Telliquo Sesar                                   40          Goudey

Chewhohee                                                                                   [50?]     Watts

Cherokee delegates were provided with merchandise according to rank[47]

Experienced Indian trader and Charles Town merchant Edmond Atkin noted in 1755… "[t]he place of Interviews and Treaties with Indian Chiefs is at Charles Town, from whence a Trade is carried on among several Numerous and Independent Nations . . . [t]o wit, the Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks, Chicasaws; and not long since the Chactaws also."' Government officials had to be ready at all times because native groups usually came whenever they pleased. In November 1751 Glen presented to Cherokee chiefs who had come to Charles Town, together with other members of the tribes, a number of articles of clothing. The head of the Eufassee, called the Raven, was presented with "a scarlet Coat, Wastcoat and Breches, ruffled Shirt, gold-laced Hat, Shoes, Buckles, Buttons, Stockins and Gartring, ... a Piece ot Stroud, 5 Yards of Callico, ten Yards of Em[bossed] Serge." Raven's son, Moitoy, received gifts of clothing which included "one of the best Coats out of the Publick Store, a white Shirt, . . . Shoes and Stockins, Buckles and garters, a laced Hat and 5 Yards of em [bossed] Serge." "For the remaining 19 Cheifs of an inferior Rank, a Coat, Gun, Shirt, Flaps, Hat, Boots each."'" As suggested by Moitoy's gift of a coat "out of the Publick Store, " at least some of these items were kept on hand in quantity}' for unannounced visits.

Talk of the Cherokee Indians to Governor Glen[48]

In Council, November 14, 1751

…  The Raven of Hiwassee standing up, said as follows, viz.; I saw the Governor as my Father and heard his, and his Brothers Talk and liked it well. I sent Bunning wit my Talk in my Stead, but now I am come with my People to deliver it myself, my Heart and my Speech are the same. The great King George over the Great Water I know is good, though I never saw him, yet I remember his Talk. I have also heard the Governor’s Talk and found that it and that of the Great King Geoge is all the same. I remember it and like it. 

… The town that I live in is Hywassee, and I have six more Towns under my Command, but there was no bad Talks that I know of, for I always was looking out for the Return of the white People, and was sorry when they left us. …There were some People among us that made bad Talks, but that was but like one Man in a Family, but from hence forward there shall be no more bad Talks. 

… We never intend to go to the French, nor can we get any from them. We have none to depend upon but the English. … I am not a young man. What I say is from my Heart… That about the Spring of the year I was at Home, and also Mr. Doharty, and we knew Nothing of the News until the runner came from Mr. Maxwell telling tht a white Man was killed at Stecoe. … [I] desired that a Letter might be carried down from me to the white People, to tell that they might all come with their Goods to my Town, and be safe, for that it was a light Town, and not a dark one, but before the Letter got there, Mr. Maxwell was gone and all the white People with him. …

The Pack Hose Men and Straglers came to Mr. Doharty’s House and wanted to run away for they were disturbed on hearing the bad Talks. … And we went the next Morning to see them, to our great surprise, we found they were all gone, on which I was affrayd they would carry down a bad Talk to the Governor and when I heard of Bernard Hughs’ Goods were taken away I sent my son and five People to Stecoe to reproach them for what they had done, and to expostulate with them with Regard to the Folly of their Actions, and to tell them that what they had taken were but a Handfull of Goods and would llast them a very short Time, and they what would become of them? And told them that such Goods were but few and desired they would return them. 

Talk of the Cherokee Indians to Governor Glen[49]

In Council, November 15th, 1751

Tassitte of Hywassee, called the Raven, made Answer. What your Excellency said is very true. I think we did not give you a full Answer last Night. But I live a great Way from the Towns where these things happened and from whence the bad Talks came. I therefore desire that the Warrior of Keowee may speak.

Skiagunsta. Your Excellency…I lived once at Keowee. It was my old Town, but now I live at a Place called Sugar Town. … Chote, another Town, had made Peace  with the Nottowaga when the Norwards came there and go to War. I call my People out and tell them that when they go away not to do any mischief to the white People, which they promise. But I find them to be Rogues, and now I know it. 

Memorial of Robert Bunning and others[50]

November 22, 1751  - To his Excellency, the Memorial of Robt. Bunning who has been 37 years in the Cherokee Nation, of Cornelius Dougherty who has been 32 Years, James Beamer who ahs been 27 Years and Ludowick Grant who has been 26 Years.

…The Nation of our Time has been greater that at Present. We remember since there were six thousand Men in it. They are now not Half. … May it please your Excellency and the Honorable Council, it is certain that the Trade for this many Years past has been carried on after a most licentious, lawless and irregular Manner much to the Prejudice of the same, and to the Dissatisfaction of the Indians, which may be attribute as a Reason of their being desirous of a Change, whatever Way it should happen. Few or no Trader took out License according to Law, and consequently did not observer Instructions. Neither if he had a Mind so to doe could he with any Security of his Trade perform it for immediately after his Indians were come in and before they could have Time to dress their Skins, a neighboring Trader or, and sometimes one at a great Distance, would either appoint an Indian Factor or send one of his Pack Horse Men into his Town, and by this Means not only defraud him of his Trade, but also of the Ammunitions that had been trusted to kill these Skins, either by making drunk the said Indians or by telling them Lies and vilifying to them the Trader that constantly lived among them. …

The Number of the Traders are so many that it is impossible for them to live by the Trade without Injustices and sometimes Violence to the Indians. The Trade is so low that the Trader fan neither defray the Charges thereof or pay the Merchants, much less pay old Debt which formerly was contracted. 

Talk of the Governor Glen to the Cherokee Indians concerning their treaty[51]

In Council, November 26^th, 1751 - …This Paper is the Agreement between us and you. …reads…
Present: His Excellency, James Glen, Esq. Governor in Chief and Captain General…Members of the Council.

Corane, the Raven, King of the Valey, commonly called Tacite, the Man Killer of Hywassee, deputed and empowered by the Emperor of the Cherokees who ahs taken ill on his Way down, to represent his Person and be the Mouth of the Nation, and in Concurrence with the other Chiefs to make such Acknowledgements to enter into such Agreements wit this Government as should be thought proper, which should be ninding upon him and all the Nation; Skiagunsta of Kewochee, Conontocheskyoee of Estatoe, Sculeloskie of Catisge, Captain Caesar of Great Telliquo Tacite, the Man Killer of Stecoe, Chucheeke of Tucoligia, Kettagunsta of Jorhee, the Chote King, the Mankiller of Cowee, Moetoe [Moytoy], Son of the Raven of Hywassee, the Raven of Tuxowa, Cheesquatalone, the Yellow Bird of Oustastee, the head Man of the Notche, Tacite the Warrior of Chehowee. … It only remains that the head Men put their Hands to the Treatie now concluded, that they may know it when they see it, and I shall sign it myself and fix the Great Seal to it, to confirm the Truth. 

Tacitte of Hywassee called the Raven or King of the Valey rose up and signed his Mark to the Treatie, saying this is my Mark. When I see it again I shall know it to be my Mark. 

November 28^th, 1751 - Raven. 

I have not a great Deal to say, I shall speak but one of two Words and then take Leave. … I return the Governor Thanks, and his beloved Men for the Favours we have received. We are a poor People and can make Nothing ourselves, nor have we Anything but what we get from the white People. … As for us, what can we be Rogues for we know we cannot be supplied with Anything but what comes over the Great Water, from Great King George. … We own we came here nakked and now we go away well clothed. 

[…his Excellency acquainted the Indians of the Rumour there is, since the last Talk about the Creek Indians lying wait to interrupt them on the Road in their way Home…]

Whereupon the Raven stood up again and said viz., I had a dream that the enemy was in the Path, and we want more Guns, for with our bare Hands alone, we cannot do any Things against the Enemy.

[… His Excellency then taking Tacit the Raven by the Hand, spoke as follows, viz.,]

I speak to you as having been sent down to represent your Emperor. I speak also to the Heads of the Nation here present, as for you I always listened to your Words, because you are a Man of good Sense, and always has given Proof of you sincere Friendship to the white People, and to this Provence.  

The Raven intervenes as the Cherokee conflict with the Creek continue - 1752[52]

Fol. 11. 7 Feb [1751/]1752, Council Chamber. Minutes containing letters from Lachlan McGillivray to Wm Pinckney. War has erupted between the Upper Creeks and Cherokees. Cherokees started the conflict by killing some Oakfuskees. Cherokees also stole some horses and goods from Moses Thompson and others in Amelia Township. Raven of Hiwassee reports that the Creeks have killed some Cherokee.

Fol. 79. 21 Apr. 1752, Council Chamber. Minutes containing talks from Judd’s Friend and the Raven indicating that they told the Cherokees to return goods stolen from whites. Glen should let the Cherokees and Creeks settle their own differences. Creeks raided Cherokee country and killed the Raven’s brother and others. 

Talk of the Mankiller if Iwaiisee[53]

April the 17, 1752 - The Mankiller of Iwaiisee, His Talk. 

The Heads and beloved Men of Carolina, their Thoughts are always on us the People of the Cherrokees and our Thoughts are the same to you and your People of Carolina. In my last Letter to your Excellency I desired some Ammunition, but forgot Flints and Paint. Our Thoughts has been very much troubled at so much Warr as is as this present Time loosing our Men. We begin to grow cross at last, sett out for Warr, and some of our Men went on this Side of the Oakfuskees where they killed 3 Men and returned without Loss, having been gone but 18 Nights and brought 3 Scalps with them which I was very glad off [sic].

I am here but with a few People. When the Creeks get the upper Hand of us then we must be peacable and quiet. I beg the Favour of a Drum that while the Rest are fighting I’ll beat the Drum. I give you many Thanks for your Care and Assistance to those People that were left alive when the Creek s fell on them near your own House. I keep all your Talks and never will thro any aways, for where haveI to fly to but to you. The Coweaters slights your Talks by Reason they are nigh to the French, as for my Part I never had any  Thought of ever going near them. I heard that the Coweaters should say that if the English slight them and brought no Cloth, they could get Ammunition from the French to defend themselves.

If the Creeks are willing to make a Peace as they have said at Great Terrico, I am willing to yield to it. We talk together when I was in Charle Town, which I will always will [sic] remember as long as I live and I am sure you will do the same. I shall never have any bad Thoughts, enighter shall they come into my Head. 

The Talk of the Cherokee Emperor and Others[54]

… Tassittee [Otacite], commonly called Eusteeneko [Ostenaco], says the Talk his Excellency sent up is very good. That he and his People ae daily ad hourly thinking of all his Talk, but believes the creeks think Nothing about it because they killed his People close by his Door. …

Skiagusta of Great Tellico says says the Talk he heard this Day by his Excellency’s Messenger he likes … Says he is himself an old Man, and knows he has not logn to live so that his Regard is not so much for his own Life, but for that of his Wife, and Children, and the young People of his Nation growing up in whose Behald he sends this letter…

Says the bold People of his Nation are not all gone yet, for they have a great many Towns and a great many brave young Fellows still left, that will be ready to lay down their Lives for the Sake of their Country, notwithstanding, he says, if the Creek prefer Peace to War, they are willing, and if so they invite them to come in here as their Friends to their Green Corn Dance. … if the Creek don’t come to a Resolution of Peace before the Green Corn Dance that they will stand to War with them to the last.

 1752 The Marriage of John Vann’s Son to John Bryant’s Daughter

Fig. 26 - Plat showing the “path to John Vann’s” at the Savannah River from “Mr. Goudy’s Store at Ninety Six,

 After the Creeks attacked the Cherokee Valley Towns and after the Stecoe warriors’ attempted uprising against Bernard Hughes and Daniel Murphy, a short pause in the turmoil prevailed in the Backcountry. John Vann and his family, no doubt, returned to their planation on Ninety Six along with other traders like Robert Goudey. Another trader, John Bryant, also returned to Ninety Six after having been one of those who had to flee their trading posts. John Bryant’s Cherokee town was Tomossee, one of the Lower Towns.

John Bryant flees his trading post in the Cherokee Nation[55]

Deposition of John Bryant, May 4, 1751

That John Byant [sic] personally came before me and made Oath (being duely swon) that he was in Timossy, a lower Town of the Cherokee Nation, when he was informed of Mr. Maxwell’s making his escape from Kewoche, with several white Men in his Company. Considerably before Day, he says he was credibly informed of the Affair as follows, viz.: Mr. Beamer sent one of his  Men to Hioree for Corn, who going to Kewoche aforesaid was stop’t by an Indian Fellow of  that Town who, when he knew where the said white Man was going, told him not to proceed, for there was four white Men killed, naming them to the said white Man, viz., Daniel Murphey, Barnard Hughs, Charles G___ and Thomas Langley, and further told him the Mr. Maxwell was gone off before Day with several white Men in his Company, and that there was no white Man left where he was going. The said Indian Fellow kept the said white Man at Kewoche that Night, and sent him off the next Morning, telling him to go whome [sic] and tell the white People not to stir for they should not be hurt. The Day following, the head Men of three Towns, viz., Tymossey, Chewee, and Ustostee, had a Meeting and proposed the Day following to have another, intending to have Mr. Beamer to hear their Talks, and also to write to the beloved Men (as they said) Below. But the Night proceeding, Mr. Beamer came to Tymossey, wherein was this John Bryant aforesaid and three more white Men. Mr. Beamer, as he went by, sent in Jas. Baldrigdge about an Hour before Day, warning thim [sic} to make what Haste he could and follow him. Mr. Beamer, being known to be [thoroughly] acquainted with Indian Affairs, and Humours, put them to a great Surprize and caused them forthwith to hurry off, as fast as possible.

Further the John Bryant saith not. - Sworn this 4th Day of May 1751 before me. Jas. Francis.

The date of John Bryant’s arrival to Ninety Six is not known, but he and his wife and family were living not far away near the Congarees in Amelia Township, South Carolina, by 1736.

Bryan, John, plat for 100 acres of land and a town lot containing .5 acres of land in Berkley County. Date: 1/19/1736[56]

Names indexed: Bryan, John; Faune [Faure], Peter, Moor, George; St. John, James

Locations: Berkeley County; Santee River

Document Type: Plat [it says "Mr. John Bryan" in patent.]

Most likely it was well before 1751, that John Byrant built his home at Ninety Six. Records suggest he lived close by John Vann at Ninety Six just on the other side of Ninety-Six Creek from Vann plantation. By the time he received a grant for his land, almost twenty years had passed from when he first lived there. Robert Goudey, John Vann’s apparent competition in the Indian Trade business, was a neighbor. After John Bryant acquired the official grant to his land, he immediately sold it to Benjamin Duborow who was acquiring a number of parcels in the Ninety Six community. 

Fig. 27 - John Bryant’s Plat along the path to Charleston.

Bryant, John, Plat for 100 [sic, s/b 107] Acres In Colleton County. Date: 4/30/1768[57]

People in this record: Bryant, John; also: Dooly, John; Gowdy, Robert; Leigh, Egerton; Mccutcheon, Robert; Mickler, Daniel; Miller, Emanuel

Bryans, John, Memorial for 107 Acres In Colleton County. Date: 7/1/1768[58]

People in this record: Goudy, Robert; also: Bryans, John; Mccutchin, Robert; Mickler, Daniel; Miller, Emanuel

Deed: John Bryant and wife Mary to Benjamin Duborow - 1769[59]

Book P-3, pp. 420-425, 21 Sept. 1769. Release. John Brians (Brayn, Bryans), planter, & Mary (her mark) his wife, to Benjamin Duborow, of Ninety-Six; for L30 currency, 107 a. ino Colleton Co., granted to John Bryans on 10 May 1768 by Charles Greville (Lord) Montagu, bounding NW on Daniel Mickler, SE & SW on Robert Gowdy; SE on Robert McCutchan, NW & NE on Emanuel Miller. Before James Mayson, J.P. Recorded 25 Apr. 1770 by Henry Rugeley, Dep. Register. 

In the year 1752, John Vann’s son John, Jr. married John Bryant’s daughter. Most likely, the young couple had known each other some time before they were married. Both lived at Ninety Six, which only saw a few people living there at the time. Most importantly, because both of them had mixed heritages, their union was more acceptable, even though a marriage between John Vann, Jr., half Cherokee, and John Bryant’s daughter, who had ancestors that were free Africans from Virginia, were unlikely to find any minister to officiate. Virginia laws forbade such marriages and North Carolina laws punished mixed race couples with fines and excessive taxes. South Carolina’s laws were more lenient, but the Church of England was not. In order to seal their wedding vows in the best possible way, a dowry was drawn up between John Bryant and his son-in-law. The deed-of-gift from John Bryant to John Vann, Jr. included one horse, six colts, and seven cows.

John Bryant’s deed of gift or dowrey for John Vann, Jr. - 1752[60]

Date: 3/1/1751 (1752
Description: Briant, John, of Ninety-Six, Planter, to John Vann, son of John Vann, of Ninety-Six, Deed of Gift for one branded bay mare, six branded colts, and seven branded cows. (2 Pages)
Document type: Deed of Gift

The African ancestry of John Bryant’s daughter was many generations removed, but the stigma of being African was still present. Bryant’s wife was a Bunch, great-granddaughter of Juan Ponce, who arrived in Jamestown in 1621 along with 21 other Africans from Angola. Indentured, but never slaves, Juan Ponce, aka John Bunch, made his home, acquired land, and raised his family near Jamestown, Virginia.  Bryant's wife's parents were John Bunch and Mary Gibson. Early on they had lived next to John Bryant, first in Chowan Precinct, North Carolina, and later in Amelia Parish, South Carolina. They also were long time neighbors of the Vanns and even the Chickasaw traders at Occaneechi Neck.

Bunch, John, plat for 350 acres in Berkeley County and a .5 acre town lot in Amelia Township. Date: 11/15/1735[61]

Names indexed: Bunch, John; Haig, George; Joyner, John; Lacy, John; St. John, James

Locations: Amelia Township; Berkeley County; Santee River

Document type: Plat

Deed: Mary Bunch nee Gibson sells her inheritance at Occaneechi Swamp from her parents[62]

1742 --17__ (illeg) Nov 17: Mary Gibson of SC to Rowland Williams of Northampton Co., NC for deverse causes and considerations, but more especially for the calucuable consideration of £25 VA for 100ac N side of Oconeeche Swamp at line of branch William Strickland Senr, Robert Sims to the N on Oconceche Swamp to the mouth of the Mary (?) branch then up sd branch. Sd Mary Gibson I am the true sole and lawful owner of the above bargained premises; I am lawfully seized & possessed of the same in my proper right as a good Perfect & absolute estate of inheritance in fee simple & have in myself good right & full power & lawfull authority to grant bargin sell (etc.) the sd described premises w/ all appurtenances. Signed in presents of Knowels ___ (illeg), Lucy Eavens, proved in open court Feb 1742 by oath of Knowles ___ (illeg) 

Deed: John Bunch and wife Mary living in Amelia Township, South Carolina[63]

Book Q-Q, p 193 15 Dec 1755 Gift  - John (his mark) Bunch & Mary his wife, to their child John Bunch, for love & affection, the NE half of is tract of 350 acs on Santee River, in Amelia Township to be measured from the river with a parallel line; & half his lot #177 in Amelia Town according to plat & grant dated 16 Sept. 1738 signed by Gov. Bull; son John not to sell the half tract. Witnesses: Joseph (his mark) Yates, planter of Four Holes, Miles (her mark) Jackson. Before John Fourquet, J.P., William Hopton, register.

The ancestry of John Vann, Jr.’s wife and the stigma attached to it was not without consequences among the Cherokee. When their granddaughter’s family asked to be included on the Cherokee Nation rolls in 1846, almost one hundred years later, they were excluded.

Testimony to allow John Vann’s children to be enrolled.[64]

"By an act of the Cherokee Council in about the year 1846 this family was excluded from the Cherokee Nation on the grounds that they were not Cherokees. They questioned the legitimacy of John Vann, the father of Nancy Childres. They claimed that the mother of John Vann was of negro blood, a slave, but they did not have proof of this fact. It was simply a rumor in the country. He looked like an Indian, as much so, as anyone else. When John Vann came to the [Oklahoma] Indian Territory he was recognized by the Old Settlers as one of their number. He was furnished with the same equipment as the other Indians -- with a gun, blanket, shot pouch, etc. by the government. After the[y] were excluded they were treated as white people and were not enrolled in 1851.”

It is important to understand that because John Vann, Jr.’s wife was not related to any of the Cherokee maternal clans, no members of the Cherokee nation felt any kinship ties to John Vann, Jr.’s children. Membership within the nation was strongly tied to the clan of one’s mother and there were few exceptions.

The English Forts among the Cherokee

Fig. 28 -  1756 Map of the Cherokee Nation by DeBraum. The Valley Towns: Conosote, Tomathy, Richo, Iura, Nantey, Quannassee, Chatuque, L. Telliqua, Toqua, Cuin.[65]

After Governor James Glen promised the Cherokee people protection, two forts were erected in the nation. One was built at Keowee, the mother town of the Lower Towns. The other was built near Chota, in the Overhill Towns. In October, 1753, Glen arrived in the Lower Towns were he met  Raven of Hiwassee and his two sons to initate the construction of Fort Prince George at Keowee.[66]

Fig. 29 - Fort Prince George and the Cherokee town of Keowee.[67]

The Building of Fort Prince George - 1753[68]

In order to put a stop to the Inroads of the French Indians through the Cherokee Nation, and to protect the back Settlers in So. Carolina against the Insults before mentioned, it was judged absolutely necessary by the Council and Assembly from time to time from April 1747, to build a Fort in one of the Lower Cherokee Towns. 

In May, 1752 L3000 Current money was voted the last time, for building that Fort near Keowee (the first Town going from Charles Town & the principal Rendezvous of the Northern Indians) … Accordingly, in Novr. 1753 a Fort was built under the Governor’s direction, on this side of Keowee River, opposite to and within gun shot of that town; which was then Deserted. … being a square of about a Quarter of an Acre, flanked with four Bastions, the Rampart of Earth about Six Feet High, surrounded with a Ditch five feet deep and twelve Broad, covered with Pallisadoes  in front of each Curtain and in which a Sergeant and fourteen Men were left as a Garrison.

Bernard Hughes was still working in the Cherokee Nation and actively trading at Chewee. (Two Chewees, one a Lower Town and the other a Middle Town, were noted on maps during this time.)

1754 Bernard Hughes still associated with the Raven in the Nation[69]

Lodovic Grant to Govenor Glen - Dated Timotley, Cherokees, February the 8^th, 1754

The 5^th of this Instant I had Occasion to be at Mr. Butler’s where an Indian, Brother to the Warrior Usteneue, amd a Messenger set by the Headmen of Kettewa River to him, passed the Town Chewee, giving an account that a Fellow of that Town Lettewar had killed a white Man. (Mr. Barnard Hugh’s man?) It is said that Hughs with his Man went throw the Towns that Day a Debt hunting, and in their Return homewards mett near to his House an Indian (Catuchee by Name, English the Tail) who owed him 4 weight of Leather and asked him for his Debt. …There were several Councils held throughout the Nation concerning the Affair; wha the Result will be, God knows. …

Last Night late, came to my House, a Messenger from Keewe to the Raven of Hiwassee with a Letter from the Prince of J-oree and the rest of the Warrious of the Mddle Settlement, desifring him to consult with the Headmen in his Valey what should be done. The Raven after a Meeting held at Hywassee reurned Aser, the the Offender did not belong to his Parts, and that if he did he would cause Justice to be executed on the Criminall and as the Warriours and beloved Men of the Towns to which the Murtherer belongs, had sent to Chote where the guilty Person had fled, that it was what they pleased to order what should be done in the Affair, and what all said, it was hard they should be eaten after that Manner. 

Fig. 30 - 1756 Treat between Virginia and the Cherokee and Catawba Nations.[70]

The Building of Fort Loudon - 1756

Fig. 31 - Timberlake map of the Cherokee Overhill Towns on the Little Tennessee River – 1760.[71]

In the building of the second fort, Captain Raymond Demere and a German engineer, John William Gerard De Brahm, arrived in the Cherokee Nation in the Overhill towns to begin its construction in 1756. The fort was named Loudoun after the Fourth Earl of Loudoun, commander-in-chief of British forces in America.
DeBrahm spent time in Tomotley as the guest of Chief Ostenaco in 1756 and contributed to the design and building of Fort Loudoun
This also marked the date when the Raven of Hiwassee died. When Moytoy, Raven’s son, heard about his brother the Pigeon going through Cornelius Dougherty’s store and abusing his assistant, Moytoy punished him severely.

The death of the Raven of Hiwassee reported[72]

[By the the winter of 1756-1757,] The Valley too felt the English war fever. Hiwassee trader Cornelius Dougherty planned to wreck the French negotiation by plunging the Cherokee into war with the Creeks. He escorted the dead Raven’s son, Moytoy, and the Black Dog of Nottely to Fort Loudoun to hear Demere’s talk. In their absence, four Creeks of the band Stinking Lingus, assisted by the Pigeon, Raven’s second son, went into Dougherty’s store and kicked Doughtery’s Negro assistant around. They then swaggered about Hiwassee boasting of their friendship to the French. When Moytoy returned from Fort Loudoun, heavily laden with Demere’s gifts, he gave his brother a severe switching and called in the valley headmen to hear him urge war against the French.

---

[1] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.)  Series: S213184  Volume:  0002 Page:  00361  Item: 02.

[2] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184, Volume: 0005. Page: 00105. Item: 00

[3] (Brodhead, p. 211)

[4] (Corkran, 1962, pp. 21-41)

[5] Painting Title: Cunne Shote, Cherokee Chief; Creator(s): Francis Parsons; Culture: British; Date: 1762, Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, Oklahoma.

[6] http://www.thehennesseefamily.com/index.php; also see dah@classroomfurniture.com

[7] “A new and accurate Map of North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc.” by Emanuel Bowen only identifies a few towns. May have been influenced by French cartographers. None of the Lower Towns are shown. Library of Congress, Call No. G3900 1752 .B61

[8] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184 Volume: 0005 Page: 00404 Item: 01

[9] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series number: s213003  volume:  002e page:  00344  item: 01 Date: 1743/06/30

[10] (Anderson).

[11] (Meriwether, 1940); also see (Commons S. H., 1745)

[12] (Anderson)

[13] (Anderson)

[14] Wikipedia

[15] (Corkran, 1962, p. 19)

[16] University of North Carolina Maps, A new map of the Cherokee Nation  1760 https://dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ncmaps/id/357

[17] (Meriwether, 1940); also see (Commons S. H., 1745)

[18] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184, Volume: 0005, Page: 00508, Item: 04.

[19] (Commons S. H., 1745) (Commons H. o., 1750)

[20]  (Adair, The History of the American Indians, 2005, p. 9)

[21] (Adair, 1980, pp. 345-346)

[22] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) 1) Series: S213003 Volume: 002I Page: 00413 Item: 000; 2) Series: S213003 Volume: 002I Page: 00169 Item: 000

[23] (Adair, 1980, pp. x-xi, 346-351 )

[24] (Anderson, p. 294)

[25] (Robinson, 1996, p. 89)

[26] (Adair, 1980, pp. 372-373)

[27] (McDowell, 1958, p. 64)

[28] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 26-27)

[29] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 113-114)

[30] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 250-252)

[31] (McDowell, 1958, p. 117)

[32] (McDowell, 1958, p. 117) 

[33] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 82-83)

[34] (Holcomb, Petitions for Land from the South Carolina Council Journals Volume II: 1748-1752, 1997, pp. 257-258)

[35] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 51-52)

[36] (McDowell, 1958, p. 63)

[37] (McDowell, 1958, p. 48)

[38] (McDowell, 1958, p. 59) 

[39] (McDowell, 1958, p. 115)  

[40] (McDowell, 1958, p. 74)

[41] His Majesty’s Council. Indian Books, 1750-1760. Vol. 2, May 24, 1751, p. 97., South Carolina Archives. https://www.carolana.com/SC/Governors/jglen.html

[42] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 86-87)

[43] (McDowell, 1958, p. 74)

[44] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 118-119)

[45] http://digital.ncdcr.gov/cdm/ref/collection/p16062coll9/id/4019

[46] (McDowell, 1958, p. 164)

[47] Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Winter 2003, Volume XXIX,  The Museum Of Early Southern Decorative Arts. https://archive.org/stream/journalofearlyso2922003muse/journalofearlyso2922003muse_djvu.txt

[48] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 175-176)

[49] (McDowell, 1958, p. 78)

[50] (McDowell, 1958, p. 148)

[51] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 87-96)

[52] (Anderson)

[53] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 254-255)

[54] (McDowell, 1958, pp. 254-255)

[55] (McDowell, 1958, p. 41).

[56] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184, Volume: 0002, Page: 00052, Item: 001

[57] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184 Volume: 0010 Page: 00219 Item: 02

[58] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S111001 Volume: 0002 Page: 00494 Item: 003

[59] (Langley, 1983, p. 117)

[60] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213003, Volume: 002I, Page: 00028, Item: 000

[61] (South Carolina Dept of Archives and History, n.d.) Series: S213184, Volume: 0013, Page: 00425, Item: 02

[62] Northampton, NC Deeds 1-58

[63] (Langley, South Carolina Deed Abstracts 1719-1772 Vol II, 1740-1755, 1984, pp. 6-7)

[64] Cherokee by Blood, Miscellaneous Testimony, P4387, Lucien B Bell, 3/9/1909. https://www.genealogy.com/ftm/h/i/c/James-R-Hicks-VA/GENE1-0005.html

[65] http://hmap.libs.uga.edu/hmap/view?docId=hmap/hmap1766d4.xml 

[66] (Robinson, 1996, p. 62)

[67] Source not found

[68] (Atkin, 1964, p. 54)

[69] (McDowell, 1958, p. 475)

[70] https://ia800708.us.archive.org/zipview.php?zip=/33/items/olcovers657/olcovers657-L.zip&file=6571174-L.jpg

[71] https://teva.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15138coll23/id/352/

[72] (Corkran, 1962, p. 108)